Grexit or Gerxit?

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Greece is saddled with debts on a scale that, when compared with its GDP, no nation has ever repaid. There seem to be only two possible outcomes: default and become the new Albania (a country locked in isolation and spiralling into decline for the next 50+ years) or devalue.

 

When the Euro Zone was formed, the economies of the joining countries should have fitted within certain economic parameters; the failure to enforce stringent “convergence criteria” has come to haunt the Euro area, worsened by the economic calamities of 2007 / 08. Today, while the Greek economy is a basket case, it is perhaps most closely aligned with the economies of Italy, Spain, Portugal the Balkan members of the EU and maybe even France. The countries that are most clearly out of step with the economies of Greece and its neighbours are those of Germany, Holland, the smaller countries such as Luxembourg. Germany has been able to use the Euro’s weakness to export goods to the weaker European nations at cheap prices, but without much foresight into how they would recover the IOUs.

 

The European Coal and Steel Community agreement of 1952 is the cornerstone of the EU and the Euro Zone. It was ostensibly an agreement to prevent any further wars between France and West Germany. It achieved its primary objective, but it was far from flawless. The community had little effect economically; coal and steel production was influenced more by global trends. The crisis in Greece may yet prove that the European Union is inherently flawed from an economic standpoint; it remains to be seen whether its political advantages can help rescue the Euro Zone or prove so strong that it wrecks the whole European Project. Could the radical option of a German exit from the EU be the most sensible alternative solution? The theory is certainly not as stupid as the inevitable copy-cat portmanteau.

 

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“Gerxit” might not only address Greece’s problems but also help many other countries begin to address their trade imbalances. As a soaring Deutsche Mark would make imports from Germany more expensive, other countries would be able to export at competitive prices. The cheap currency would make importing goods from the PIIGS (Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece, Spain) an attractive proposition, and prevent the need to cut high labour costs by reducing the minimum wage – particularly an issue in Italy. The PIIGS would grow at the same pace until it would be economically viable for Germany to re-join a balanced single currency. Germany, in the interim, would benefit from a strong and stable economy.

 

If Gerxit is the answer, it would require a huge expenditure of political will and a readiness, on the part of the Germans, to take the pain of a contracting economy. Merkel is not going to give up on the Eurozone just yet. And, aside from the political stumbling blocks, Gerxit has its fair share of economic barriers as well. In 2012 a Bertelsmann Foundation study found that leaving the European Union would cost Germany around 0.5 basis points of GDP percentage growth over a period of 13 years, or €1.2 trillion. An estimated 200,000 people would have to be made redundant. There would be trade slowdown as a result of currency conversion and exchange rate fluctuations.

 

But pondering the effects of Gerxit remains an academic exercise. For following considerable and far from unanimous debate, the Bundestag have decided to allow negotiations on a €86 billion Greek bailout deal, kicking the can down the road and probably the wrong road at that. At best, Judgement Day has been adjourned; Europe’s political and economic future again hangs in the balance and the UK remains disengaged. Even though the UK is outside the Eurozone, complete disengagement from next door’s crisis seems incredibly foolish. As the UK has little exposure to Greece it would be in a good position to broker a deal to resolve the crisis. Leadership, rather than intimidation and self-serving diplomacy, is called for.

 

I was recently reminded of a joke that alludes to the Germans’ handling of Greece’s fate as similar to the doctor who gave a patient six months to live. When the patient failed to pay up the doctor gave him six more months. Merkel has recognised that “death”, in this case, is the “chaos” of Grexit, a move that has next to no winners and millions of losers. Perhaps a more relevant cry would be “Physician heal thy self”.

The Minimum Wage: Part III

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This morning, MPs backed George Osborne plans for £12 billion pounds of cuts with a majority of 308 to 124. The Chancellor had previously reiterated his support for Harriet Harman, the interim Labour leader, who had called on her party’s MPs to support the recent welfare reforms put forward in the Conservatives’ latest budget. In an impassioned opinion piece written for The Guardian, Osborne was quick to highlight his plan to cut corporation tax but raise the minimum wage to £7.20 per hour with a view to eventually reaching over £9.00 per hour by 2020. While the Labour Party oppose other aspects of the welfare bill, such as changes to Employment and Support Allowance, Osborne hopes that progressive Labour MPs will support the Budget’s attempts to stimulate economic growth.

As mentioned previously, the effect of such a great hike on the minimum wage will have a huge effect on SMEs, particularly if there is no attendant increase in productivity. While productivity in the UK has begun to rise, this is probably by too little and too late. The new wage equates to a £1300 per year salary rise, and unexpectedly eclipses the £8 per hour figure offered by Labour during the election. However, he has pledged to cut corporation tax to 18% by 2020, the lowest of any G20 country. So if, hypothetically, the tax reduction offsets the higher wages, everyone is a winner. However, undoubtedly it will be smaller, less profitable businesses with tight margins, paying little corporation tax that will feel the pinch the most. Small companies who pay the majority of their employees the minimum wage will undoubtedly have to restructure their costs which will inevitably lead to redundancies. Meanwhile, the more progressive large companies, IKEA in the vanguard, have said they will be able to introduce the new minimum wage early. To compound the bad news for SMEs, the issue of late payments again was ignored, along with any discussion on business rates and rents.min wage iii

The Conservatives who opposed Blair’s original introduction of the minimum wage in 1999 were proven wrong; it remains to be seen if Osborne’s decision will silence the criticism of some factions who claim he is a Chancellor who lets politics dictate his economic decision making. After all, there is a huge risk that the UK’s higher labour costs, particularly without an increase in productivity, would drive businesses to look to competitor economies, leading to further job losses and widespread business closures. It would certainly take a very brave Chancellor to renegade on a promise that affects an estimated 2.7 million people nationally.

How will a Conservative victory alter the regulatory landscape for SMEs?

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To say this year’s election was divisive is an understatement. Three days after the announcement of voting results, the atmosphere outside Downing Street was febrile: police were forced to stake out the area to meet banner toting anti-austerity protestors determined to express their ire at five more years of Conservative government.
But what of those who supported the Conservatives? After all, it is the so called ‘shy-Tories’ who chose not to disclose their voting intentions that have left pollsters predicting the ‘closest election in a generation’ red-faced. The 2.3% surge in the FTSE 100 that took place on Friday is perhaps the best bellwether for gauging their sentiments. Indeed, this is a government that many of the electorate brought to power for the benefits they expect them to bestow upon UK businesses and the economy. And this is an expectation that the Conservatives themselves have propagated. Overtures were made during the campaign not just to big business, but also to the small and medium-sized firms that they portrayed as the very ‘lifeblood’ of the UK economy and to whom they devoted a ‘Small Business Manifesto.’

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The party’s attempts to woo these smaller businesses seemed to strike a chord too. “We get them, we respect them, we understand them, we back them” said Cameron. The response was an open letter published in The Telegraph and signed by 5,000 small business leaders stating that Cameron’s party should “be given the chance to finish what they started.” These businesses have a long wish list for the next 5 years, but dealing with the proverbial ‘red tape’ that they encounter is a chief concern according to recent surveys.

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The Conservatives have sought to address this issue by pledging to cut down on regulations and bureaucracy to save businesses £10 billion. In fact, the party made this same pledge during the 2010 campaign and their efforts since have been met with mixed appraisals. Dragon’s Den venture capitalist James Caan commented in 2012 that regulation was still far too much of a burden, noting that opening a warehouse in the UK takes 4 ½ times longer than in Germany. Furthermore, a report conducted by business information group Croner in 2014 found that half of the businesses surveyed felt efforts to reduce red tape had had no positive effects on their businesses. “There has not been the bonfire of red tape that the government promised,” surmised a Croner executive.
Nonetheless, the government will undoubtedly work hard to make good on their regulation pledge this term. But to some extent their hands are tied, with much regulatory change pushed through by EU law; although, with an EU referendum now promised for 2017, this situation may change. Some small businesses may have acknowledged this, voting Conservative in an attempt to wriggle free from what they perceived as onerous European regulation. But whether trading EU membership for a reduction in red tape is a worthwhile choice for the nation’s SMEs is a question that needs to be asked.

Something to Copy from Germany

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The ‘Winter Wonderland’ Christmas market staged annually in London’s Hyde Park is a seasonal shrine to all things German; a blatant pastiche of the original Christkindlmarkts located here on British shores. So popular is this imitation, too, that it would be no surprise to hear that more glüwein was drunk and more bratwurst eaten here this Christmas than at many markets on the other side of the North Sea. And this success has perhaps proved instructive, with various UK financial figures suggesting that copying a rather less frivolous Teutonic phenomenon might also bring benefits to Britain.

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The Mittelstand – a term that has no English equivalent (the closest is perhaps the bureaucratic term Small and Medium Sized Enterprise or SME) or firm definition (definitions for SME abound), but which generally relates to businesses with fewer than 500 employees, turnover under £50m and usually family controlled – is often touted as the bedrock of the German economy. The Mittelstand is recognised as their economic “engine”, contributing robustly to private sector employment and GDP. The story is similar in the UK, where, according to the FT, the 2% of UK companies which are ‘medium-sized’ generate nearly 25% of private sector GDP. Where the fortunes of the two Mittelstands diverge is in their ability to access finance. Once businesses become medium-sized in the UK, they can no longer expect to receive the government backing afforded to smaller firms, whilst in Germany, where the value of these businesses is perhaps better appreciated, government backing would likely continue.

This situation has caused the head of the CBI to call for the development of “a private placement market to issue debt to institutional investors” to fill this UK policy gap. With bank lending to SME businesses continuing to fall, he is surely right to do so.

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Yet in many ways such a market is already being developed by the nation’s marketplace lenders.